i dreamed you last night.
i combed your hair to my liking.
i dressed you up with new clothes.
i placed you where i could find you.
and so i did.
i dreamed you last night.
but you were still you, undeniably you.
you smiled when you saw me,
we said jokes and we laughed.
i followed you to your hiding place
but you said "STOP,
this is all you'll get from me,
even in your dreams."
============
a bit dramatic, right? well, dreams tend to be. but having dreamed of you makes me smile. i remember you fondly.
Tuesday, March 30, 2010
Wednesday, March 17, 2010
Bailey's Meatloaf
I made up my own recipe for meatloaf tonight and it tastes delicious! So I thought I should write it down so i dont forget. I named it Bailey's Meatloaf because my friend Bailey was here while I made it and he gave good suggetions! Thanks man!
Ingredients:
1 lbs. ground beef
1 green bellpeper
3/4 cup Italian bread crumbs
some cooked white rice with corn (i put as much as i had in the fridge :P)
2 eggs slightly beaten
Enough sweet bbq sauce
Preheat oven to 400° F. Mix all ingredients together (except for bbq sauce) and spread on casserole dish. Cover with a layer of sweet bbq sauce. Bake for 20mins or until meat is cooked.
Yay, I've never written a recipe before! So exciting haha... :)
Ingredients:
1 lbs. ground beef
1 green bellpeper
3/4 cup Italian bread crumbs
some cooked white rice with corn (i put as much as i had in the fridge :P)
2 eggs slightly beaten
Enough sweet bbq sauce
Preheat oven to 400° F. Mix all ingredients together (except for bbq sauce) and spread on casserole dish. Cover with a layer of sweet bbq sauce. Bake for 20mins or until meat is cooked.
Yay, I've never written a recipe before! So exciting haha... :)
Hegemony
Writing from prison during the 1920s, Gramsci compared two Marxist notions of social control: domination, direct physical coercion of the people by state institutions like the police, army, and law in political society; and hegemony, ideological control through the production of consent by unions, schools, churches, families, and so on in civil society. Civil institutions, Gramsci thought, incalculated in people an entire system of values, beliefs, and morality that he found supportive of the established order and its dominating classes. Workers identified their own good with the good of the bourgeoisie and helped to maintain the status quo rather than revolting. Hegemony is a worldview diffused through socialization into every area of daily life that, when internalized, becomes "common sense." Hegemony mystifies power relations, camouflages the causes of public issues and events, encourages fatalism and political passivity, and justifies the deprivation of the many so that few can live well. Hegemony works to induce oppressed people to consent to their own exploitation and misery.
In his concept of "American Fordism" Gramsci explored the development of a new kind of hegemonic regime in which trade unions would be subdued, workers would be offered a higher real standard of living, and the ideological legitimation of this new kind of capitalism would be embodied in cultural practices and social relations extending far beyond the workplace. More simply, Fordist capitalism might achieve institutional stability through the achievement of willing consent (keeping people happy) through mass consumption.
Revolutionary political transformation, Gramsci said, was not possible without a crisis of ideological hegemony--changes in civil as well as political society. Socialist movements, Gramsci concluded, had to create "counter-hegemony" to break ideological and cultural bonds and penetrate the false world of appearances as a prelude to the making of new ideas and values conducive to human liberation (Gramsci 1971 ed.; Boggs 1976).
(Peet & Hartwick, 2009)
In his concept of "American Fordism" Gramsci explored the development of a new kind of hegemonic regime in which trade unions would be subdued, workers would be offered a higher real standard of living, and the ideological legitimation of this new kind of capitalism would be embodied in cultural practices and social relations extending far beyond the workplace. More simply, Fordist capitalism might achieve institutional stability through the achievement of willing consent (keeping people happy) through mass consumption.
Revolutionary political transformation, Gramsci said, was not possible without a crisis of ideological hegemony--changes in civil as well as political society. Socialist movements, Gramsci concluded, had to create "counter-hegemony" to break ideological and cultural bonds and penetrate the false world of appearances as a prelude to the making of new ideas and values conducive to human liberation (Gramsci 1971 ed.; Boggs 1976).
(Peet & Hartwick, 2009)
Saturday, March 13, 2010
Society, crazy indeed!
Today, as I read articles for my class "Sociology of Development", I get frustrated with the state of affairs (political, economic and social) in our world and for our lack of meaningful action to change things around.
My frustration drives me to remember Alex McCandles whose story was told in the movie Into The Wild. The following quotes from the movie and soundtrack describe my feelings at the moment:
There is a pleasure in the pathless woods;
There is a rapture on the lonely shore;
There is society, where none intrudes,
By the deep sea, and music in its roar;
I love not man the less, but Nature more...
- Lord Byron
Society, you're a crazy breed.
I hope you're not lonely, without me.
Society, crazy indeed...
I hope you're not lonely, without me
Society, have mercy on me.
I hope you're not angry, if I disagree.
Society, crazy indeed.
I hope you're not lonely...
without me.
-Eddie Vedder
Wednesday, March 10, 2010
Guatemala:
you fall heavily on my chest.
i cannot breathe.
a smile silenced by hunger.
a heart turn cold by powder.
oh hands chipped by the sun.
oh backs broken by labor.
tell me you can see beauty.
tell me you want to go on.
tell me you are still waiting for tomorrow's sun.
i cannot breathe.
a smile silenced by hunger.
a heart turn cold by powder.
oh hands chipped by the sun.
oh backs broken by labor.
tell me you can see beauty.
tell me you want to go on.
tell me you are still waiting for tomorrow's sun.
Friday, March 5, 2010
Critics of modern development
Ivan Illich
"We have embodied our world-view in our institutions and are now their prisoners. Factories, news media, hospitals, governments and schools produce goods and services packaged to contain our view of the world. We--the rich--conceive of progress as the expansion of these establishments. We conceive of heightened mobility as luxury and safety packaged by General Motors or Boeing. We conceive of improving the general well-being as increasing the supply of doctors and hospitals, which package health along with protracted suffering. We have come to identify our need for further learning with demand for even longer confinement to classrooms. In other words, we have packaged education with custodial care, certification for jobs, and the right to vote, and wrapped them all together with indoctrination in the Christian, liberal or communist virtues." (Illich 1997: 95)
Illich found the rational human decreasingly able to shape his or her environment because one's energies were consumed in procuring new models of the latest goods. According to Illich, rich nations imposed a straightjacket of traffic jams, hospital confinements, and classrooms on poor nations and called it "development." Yet, more people, quantitatively and relatively, suffered from hunger, pain and exposure than at the end of WWII... For Illich, the "benefits" of the modern world, even its medical systems, education, and democracy, were far from being obvious. The direction this takes is toward total abandonment of development because it inevitably involves growth that will ultimately prove falal. (From Peet and Hartwick, 2009)
Arturo Escobar
"Development can be described as an apparatus .... that links forms of knowledge about the Third World with the deployment of forms of power and intervention, resulting in the mapping and production of Third World societies.... By means of this discourse, individuals, governments and communities are seen as 'underdeveloped' (or placed under conditions in which they tend to see themselves as such), and are treated accordingly" (Escobar 1992: 23)
"Development was--and continues to be for the most part--a top-down, ethnocentric, and technocratic approach, which treated people and cultures as abstracts concepts, statistical figures to be moved up and down in the charts of 'progress'" (Escobar 1995: 44)
"We have embodied our world-view in our institutions and are now their prisoners. Factories, news media, hospitals, governments and schools produce goods and services packaged to contain our view of the world. We--the rich--conceive of progress as the expansion of these establishments. We conceive of heightened mobility as luxury and safety packaged by General Motors or Boeing. We conceive of improving the general well-being as increasing the supply of doctors and hospitals, which package health along with protracted suffering. We have come to identify our need for further learning with demand for even longer confinement to classrooms. In other words, we have packaged education with custodial care, certification for jobs, and the right to vote, and wrapped them all together with indoctrination in the Christian, liberal or communist virtues." (Illich 1997: 95)
Illich found the rational human decreasingly able to shape his or her environment because one's energies were consumed in procuring new models of the latest goods. According to Illich, rich nations imposed a straightjacket of traffic jams, hospital confinements, and classrooms on poor nations and called it "development." Yet, more people, quantitatively and relatively, suffered from hunger, pain and exposure than at the end of WWII... For Illich, the "benefits" of the modern world, even its medical systems, education, and democracy, were far from being obvious. The direction this takes is toward total abandonment of development because it inevitably involves growth that will ultimately prove falal. (From Peet and Hartwick, 2009)
Arturo Escobar
"Development can be described as an apparatus .... that links forms of knowledge about the Third World with the deployment of forms of power and intervention, resulting in the mapping and production of Third World societies.... By means of this discourse, individuals, governments and communities are seen as 'underdeveloped' (or placed under conditions in which they tend to see themselves as such), and are treated accordingly" (Escobar 1992: 23)
"Development was--and continues to be for the most part--a top-down, ethnocentric, and technocratic approach, which treated people and cultures as abstracts concepts, statistical figures to be moved up and down in the charts of 'progress'" (Escobar 1995: 44)
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)